Monday, April 20, 2026
Kash Patel files defamation lawsuit against The Atlantic
Kash Patel files defamation lawsuit against The Atlantic
“Patel is seeking $250 million in damages for an article that alleges he has a drinking problem.
Kash Patel has filed a defamation lawsuit against The Atlantic, accusing the magazine and its reporter Sarah Fitzpatrick of defamation over an article that alleged the FBI director has a drinking problem.
The Atlantic on Monday defended its reporting.
“We stand by our reporting on Kash Patel, and we will vigorously defend The Atlantic and our journalists against this meritless lawsuit,” The Atlantic said.
The article, citing about two dozen anonymous sources, details Patel’s alleged “conspicuous inebriation and unexplained absences;” claims the director is often “away or unreachable, delaying time-sensitive decisions needed to advance investigations;” and that Patel is “deeply concerned that his job is in jeopardy.”
POLITICO has not independently corroborated The Atlantic’s reporting.
Patel’s lawsuit states that the unnamed sources had “obvious axes to grind,” and highlights that the White House, Department of Justice and Patel himself all denied the allegations in the article. It also alleges that a pre-publication letter sent to The Atlantic went “ignored.”
In a statement to POLITICO through his lawyers, Patel reiterated that the allegations in the article are false.
“The Atlantic’s story is a lie. They were given the truth before they published, and they chose to print falsehoods anyway,” Patel said. “I took this job to protect the American people and this FBI has delivered the most prolific reduction in crime in US history. Fake news won’t report it, and their toxicity will never erode nor stop our Mission.”
Patel is seeking $250 million in damages and the disgorgement of any profits made from the article’s publication. He has sued media outlets previously; a lawsuit he filed against POLITICO in 2019 for defamation remains pending.“
Behind Trump’s Public Bravado on the War, He Grapples With His Own Fears
Behind Trump’s Public Bravado on the War, He Grapples With His Own Fears
“President Trump is grappling with the challenges of a sustained military conflict with Iran, balancing his impulsive style with concerns about potential casualties and the war’s impact on the global oil supply. Despite his public bravado and aggressive rhetoric, including threats to destroy Iranian civilization, Trump is reportedly seeking a negotiated resolution to the conflict. He is also reportedly frustrated with the lack of support from European allies and NATO, who have declined to join his campaign against Iran.
The president’s impulsive style has never before been tested during a sustained military conflict; ruminating on Jimmy Carter
One airman was recovered quickly, but it wasn’t until late Saturday that Trump received word that the second airman had been rescued in a high-stakes extraction. What could’ve turned into the lowest point in Trump’s two terms, wouldn’t. After 2 a.m., Trump, too, went to bed.
Six hours later, the chest-thumping president was back with another audacious gamble to loosen Iran’s grip on its most powerful point of leverage, the Strait of Hormuz. “Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell,” he blasted on social media Easter morning from the White House residence, adding an Islamic prayer to the post.
A president who thrives on drama is bringing an even more intense version of his unorthodox, maximalist approach to a new situation—fighting a war. He is veering between belligerent and conciliatory approaches and grappling behind the scenes with just how badly things could go wrong.
At the same time, the president sometimes loses focus, spending time on the details of his plans for the White House ballroom or on midterm fundraisers—and telling advisers he wants to shift to other topics.
Trump is dealing with his own fear about ordering troops into harm’s way where some will be injured and some not return home, similar to other presidents who have been at war, people familiar with the matter said.
Trump has resisted sending American soldiers to take Kharg Island, for example, the launch point for 90% of Iran’s oil exports. While he was told the mission would succeed, and the territory’s capture would give the U.S. access to the strait, he worried there would be unacceptably high American casualties, the people said. They’ll be sitting ducks, the president said.
Still, he has made risky pronouncements without input from his national security team—including his post about plans to destroy the Iranian civilization—saying seeming unstable could help spur the Iranians to negotiate.
At one point he even mused he should award himself the nation’s highest military honor, the Medal of Honor.
Trump campaigned on ending foreign wars but wagered that he could solve, with American air and naval power, a national security problem that had bedeviled seven previous presidents. Now, a cease-fire is in doubt, a critical trade route has been closed for weeks and Iran’s regime has been replaced with radical new leaders, all threatening to lengthen an operation that Trump has repeatedly said would only last six weeks—a deadline already missed since the war began Feb. 28.
White House officials said they believe a breakthrough in negotiations with Iran could be reached in coming days, and they are eyeing more talks in Pakistan.
The president’s impulsive style has never before been tested during a sustained military conflict. Unlike the successful operation in Venezuela, which buoyed his confidence, Trump is confronting a more intractable foe in Iran, which is so far unwilling to bend to his demands.
“We are witnessing astonishing military successes that do not add up to victory and that is squarely on the president and how he’s chosen to do his job—lack of attention to detail and lack of planning,” said Kori Schake, a senior fellow at the right-leaning think tank American Enterprise Institute who served on former President George W. Bush’s National Security Council.
Soon after Trump’s holiday post, aides fielded calls from Republican senators and Christian leaders. They asked, why would he say “Praise be to Allah” on Easter morning? Why would he use the F-word? Trump swears profusely in private but usually calibrates it in public and on social media.
When one adviser later asked him about it, he said he came up with the Allah idea himself. He said he wanted to seem as unstable and insulting as possible, believing it could bring the Iranians to the table, senior administration officials said. It was a language, he said, the Iranians would understand. But he was also concerned about the fallout. “How’s it playing?” he asked advisers. (Iran’s parliamentary speaker called the threat reckless.)
On the Tuesday after Easter, he issued the most dramatic ultimatum of his presidency, saying that unless Iran struck a deal in 12 hours, a whole civilization would die.
Again, the post was improvisational, and not part of a national security plan, the administration officials said.
People around the U.S. and the world were gripped with fear and confusion about what the president intended to do. Behind the scenes, top aides saw the move as a way to spur negotiations in a war the president was desperately ready to end. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told others privately it was language that might actually bring the Iranians to negotiate.
What Trump really wanted, advisers said, was to scare the Iranians, and to end the conflict. Less than ninety minutes before his deadline, Trump announced a precarious two-week cease-fire.
“President Trump campaigned proudly on his promise to deny the Iranian regime the ability to develop a nuclear weapon, which is what this noble operation accomplishes,” said Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary. She said the president had “remained a steady leader our country needs.”
Trump is keeping close score on the war, measuring how many Iranian targets have been destroyed as a key metric of success, officials said.
‘Blood and sand’
Trump’s decision to venture into the war surprised many who knew him best. “Blood and sand,” he told advisers in his first term to describe the region, explaining why he wasn’t interested in getting drawn into any Middle East conflict.
After a persuasive February briefing from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the Situation Room, and repeated conversations with a group of outside allies that included Sen. Lindsey Graham (R., S.C.), he said he trusted the military to pull it off. Look, he said to advisers, at how quickly they had “won” in Venezuela, where the U.S. had, in a matter of hours, captured its president and ended with his more compliant deputy in his place.
In Iran, the war started with the execution of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other top Iranian officials. Trump was shown clips every morning of stunning explosions across the Iranian terrain. Advisers said Trump remarked to them how impressive the military was, seeming in awe of the scale of bombs.
But Trump had done little to sell the American public on the war, and soon grew frustrated that his administration wasn’t getting the same kind of external praise. Leavitt attributed his frustration to what she deemed unfair news coverage of the administration. His team showed him poll results for the November midterm elections that showed him the war was dragging down Republican candidates.
Still, Trump himself wasn’t up for re-election—and he thought a win over Iran would give him a chance to reshape the global order in a way he couldn’t in his first term, two top officials said. Trump said early in the military operation that if we get this right, we are saving the world, according to a person who heard his comments.
With the strait’s closure choking off some 20% of the global oil supply, energy CEOs soon grew nervous. In mid-March, Energy Secretary Chris Wright appeared at a board meeting of the American Petroleum Institute, the oil industry’s primary lobbying group, and said the war would be over in weeks, according to people at the meeting. The energy leaders have at times worried that war would drive up prices far more than the White House seemed to appreciate if Trump continued an escalation that matched his rhetoric, people familiar with the matter said.
Trump vacillated, people close to him said, between considering economic worries in calls with advisers including Wright and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and insisting that he was going to keep the war going. He told advisers that they needed to watch the markets, and his words often moved them.
But Trump quickly began ruminating on how the military action could turn into a catastrophe.
Speaking to Republican lawmakers in Doral, Fla., a little over a week into the war, Trump ticked through Democratic presidents who oversaw foreign policy debacles, including the withdrawal from Afghanistan under President Joe Biden. He then dwelled on Carter’s failed attempt to rescue U.S. hostages held by the same Iranian regime he was bombing.
European countries and the NATO alliance have refused to join Trump’s Iran campaign and declined to help force open the strait, drawing Trump’s frequent ire.
He grew angry with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer for being slow to allow U.S. forces to use U.K. bases and derisively mocked the French President as “Emmanuel,” dragging out the syllables in an exaggerated French accent, in White House meetings after the two sparred over both the war and Emmanuel Macron’s wife. When NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte came to Washington earlier this month for a pre-scheduled meeting, Trump told officials afterward it was largely a waste of time because Rutte couldn’t force his members to help.
The strait has been a particular source of frustration. Before the U.S. went to war, Trump told his team that Iran’s government would likely capitulate before closing the strait, and that even if Tehran tried, the U.S. military could handle it, The Wall Street Journal has reported. Some of the president’s advisers were caught off guard that tanker traffic would grind to a halt so quickly after the bombing began, according to a person in contact with the White House.
Trump has since marveled at the ease with which the strait was closed. A guy with a drone can shut it down, Trump has said to people, expressing belated irritation that the key waterway was so vulnerable. He has publicly oscillated between demanding support from allies to help open it and insisting that the U.S. doesn’t need or want military assistance.
In late March—about a week before the Iranians shot down the plane—Trump had ordered his negotiating team to find a way to start talks, according to a person familiar with the discussions.
By early April, the price of gas was up by more than $1 a gallon, and industry leaders worried that the market still hadn’t properly priced the risk that the war was posing to the oil supply. The president, through his force of personality, was doing a good job talking down the price of oil, but reality would soon set in, said one person familiar with the industry.
But they’ve been told Trump is willing to take the political hit for higher prices for a short period of time, the person said.
The president’s competing impulses, playing out in early-morning missives, concerned his aides who were growing worried the war was becoming a political albatross.
He took repeated calls from journalists, telling Axios there’s “practically nothing left to target” in Iran, and complaining to an Italian newspaper about his erstwhile friend, Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni. In an Easter interview with the Journal, he said he could strike “every power plant” in Iran, an attack on civilian infrastructure that would potentially break international law against war crimes.
Trump’s top aides have taken turns telling the president that he should limit the impromptu interviews because they were only convincing the public he had contradictory messages. At times, Trump would joke with Leavitt that he had talked to a reporter and made big news, but she would have to wait and see what it was, White House officials said. For a bit, he agreed to curb them—then soon returned.
Some advisers encouraged him to do a speech to the nation. White House chief of staff Susie Wiles thought it would reassure the country that Trump had a plan. Trump wasn’t initially interested. What would he say? He couldn’t declare victory. He didn’t know where it was going. He was eventually persuaded to make the address on April 1, and aides along with outside advisers filled the room hoping to encourage him.
The U.S. had succeeded on the battlefield and the U.S. military objectives would be completed “very shortly,” he told skeptical Americans. The speech, which didn’t clarify how the U.S. would exit the war, didn’t increase public support.
Minute-by-minute rescue
The repeated crises prompted by the war have led to scrambles inside the administration.
For 24 hours over Easter weekend, Trump’s team dialed into the Situation Room: Vice President JD Vance from Camp David, Wiles from her home in Florida. They received almost minute-by-minute progress reports, of the military entering Iran, the rescue planes getting stuck in the sand, the efforts to distract the Iranians. They called the last airman by a code name.
Trump wasn’t included in the meeting but received updates by phone.
After Trump’s subsequent threat to destroy Iranian civilization, White House officials talked to Pakistani counterparts about mediating a cease-fire. Trump was too mad at the Europeans for any of them to serve the role, administration officials said.
As the world waited on the president’s 8 p.m. deadline, Trump flitted between topics, aides said. He talked to officials about endorsements in an Indiana state race. His team prepped for the midterms. He listened to officials talk about cryptocurrency and artificial intelligence policy.
He also asked Wiles and Steve Witkoff, the U.S.’s chief negotiator with Iran, where things stood. Push them to a deal, he told Witkoff repeatedly.
White House concerns about security threats have been heightened, aides said.
In recent weeks, for example, Trump and his team have noticed an increase in security. On a cloudless night in April at Mar-a-Lago, every umbrella was up on the patio in an unusual arrangement, guests said. Club members were told that there was an effort to limit drone visibility, a Mar-a-Lago member said.
Rubio told others about standing outside his home at the military compound where he lives and watching a suspicious drone, administration officials said. Secret Service protection teams have expanded to carry weapons White House officials had never seen before.
Despite the high pressure moments, Trump has also told advisers he wants to talk about other topics and see the media focus on other issues. When guests showed up for a meeting of Kennedy Center officials in March, the president pulled some of them aside to talk about the ballroom he is constructing on White House grounds. Out came drawings showing a large hole in the ground—he was amazed at all that could be built underneath. Advisers said he has multiple meetings a week on the topic and views himself as the general contractor.
Also on his mind: raising money for the midterms. Hours after the war began on the last Saturday in February, he was at a fundraiser at Mar-a-Lago. When some staff questioned if they should cancel it, Trump said he would have to eat dinner regardless.
At another gathering, one night after threatening to end Iranian civilization, Trump stood in the White House with donors and top staff for a reception ahead of America’s 250th celebration this summer. He mused about giving himself the nation’s highest military honor, the Medal of Honor, designed to honor bravery, courage and sacrifice, according to people who were at the reception.
He then told a story about why he said he deserved it: In his first term as he flew into Iraq for a surprise holiday visit to the troops, his jet descended in the dark toward an unlit runway. In dramatic fashion, he counted down the feet to the plane landing, and recalled how scary it was. The pilots kept reassuring him, he said, and they landed safely.
He couldn’t get the medal, he said, because White House counsel David Warrington, who was standing nearby at the event, wouldn’t allow it.
Leavitt, the White House spokeswoman, said he was joking.
Josh was part of a team of journalists who won the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2022 for the newspaper’s coverage of Jan. 6 and won the 2024 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for the newspaper's coverage of the role of the AR-15 in American life. He also is a two-time recipient of the White House Correspondents Association award for news reporting. He is also a lecturer at the Allbritton Journalism Institute.“
The Forces of Scarcity Hitting Asia May Soon Spread Across the World
The Forces of Scarcity Hitting Asia May Soon Spread Across the World
“The war in Iran has severely impacted the Asia-Pacific region, causing widespread shortages of essential goods and services. The region’s heavy reliance on Middle Eastern energy imports, coupled with its integrated supply chains, has led to a transportation crisis, halted production, and rising costs. This has resulted in economic instability, with millions at risk of falling into poverty and businesses struggling to survive.
The Asia-Pacific was hit hard and quick by the war in Iran and its energy bottlenecks. Scenes of crisis there indicate that problems are multiplying and spreading.
By Damien Cave
Covering global affairs from Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
When the war in Iran started on Feb. 28, Asia expected to see serious, gradual impacts from losing access to a huge portion of the world’s oil and gas. But the conflict’s economic and social impacts have hit the region harder and faster than officials and experts expected.
Many countries across the Asia-Pacific are experiencing sudden jolts of disruption that they are struggling to manage, with some comparing the crisis’s breakdowns and scope to the Covid pandemic.
Even if there is a peace deal soon, the future of this industrious region that has driven global economic growth for decades will likely include months of canceled flights, surging food prices, factory pauses, delayed shipments and empty shelves for products long considered quick and easy to buy worldwide: plastic bags, instant noodles, vaccines, syringes, lipstick, microchips and sportswear.
Collectively, according to many officials and experts, if the war’s strangling of commercial traffic through the Middle East lasts for even a few more weeks, and uncertainty lingers, shortages could push several countries into convulsions of unrest, followed by recession.
Countless businesses are verging on insolvency. Governments are taking on enormous debt to slow inflation. By year’s end, in the most dire projections by the United Nations and others, millions across Asia could be pushed into poverty.
“The impacts are so rapid and deep,” said Phillip Cornell, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Global Energy Center who is based in Sri Lanka. “Just from a magnitude perspective, this is really very, very, very large.”
Resource scarcity tends to unleash dark forces in human psychology and capitalism. As the International Monetary Fund has noted, the world economy is slowing nearly everywhere because roughly a fifth of the world’s fossil fuels have been held back from the global market since the war started. Even if the Strait of Hormuz stabilizes tomorrow, it could take years for oil and gas output and shipping to reach fat prewar levels.
The Asia-Pacific has been the war’s first and worst zone of impact outside the Middle East because:
1) the Asia-Pacific relies more heavily on Middle Eastern energy imports than almost anywhere else in the world;
2) the massive regional economy is deeply integrated, with supply chains crisscrossing borders in ways that are heavily reliant on fossil fuels;
3) even before the war started in February, Asia’s energy capacity was falling short of demand. The backlog for energy generation turbines now affecting global data-center growth started with surging power demands from Southeast Asia’s industrial hubs.
Wealthier countries, including China, face less immediate risk, with bigger fuel reserves and budgets. But comfort is neither permanent nor widespread. The rest of Asia, excluding China, is responsible for as much of the global economy as the United States or Europe. And many countries in that group have been struggling more than is publicly known.
In interviews, farmers in Vietnam, laborers in India, innkeepers in Sri Lanka, drivers in the Philippines, and executives in Hong Kong and Singapore all sounded more worried than many of the region’s politicians, who are seeking to project a stoic calm that often understates the scramble occurring offscreen.
Transportation, manufacturing and upward mobility — three pillars of stability in Asia — are all confronting powerful shock waves.
A Sprawling Transportation Crisis
The United States and Israel started the war in Iran on Feb. 28. Within hours, trucks, ships and planes stopped operating in Asia, a region defined by near-constant motion across land, sky and sea.
Air travel, the strongest example of Asia’s transportation reversal, veered toward chaos.
In March, there were more than 92,000 flights canceled worldwide, doubling the prewar rate of cancellation, with the largest spike in eliminated flights linked to the Asia-Pacific.
Carriers flying through the Middle East, where 24 million migrant workers from South and Southeast Asia are employed, suspended trips to Dubai and other Gulf hubs right away. With jet fuel nearly doubling in price and with its availability threatened, airlines are slashing many more routes indefinitely.
Qantas, Air New Zealand, Lion Air of Indonesia, VietJet, AirAsia, Air India and Cathay Pacific are just a few of the companies cutting service. Batik Air of Malaysia has gone further than most, cutting flights by 35 percent this month to avoid insolvency.
Shukor Yusof from Endau Analytics, an airline advisory firm in Singapore, estimates that air traffic for Asia and the Pacific has already dropped by a third. Smaller airlines are losing millions of dollars weekly. Larger, better capitalized airlines in the region may survive, but discount players that buy more fuel on spot markets will likely shrivel, merge or die.
“Even if the cease-fire holds, because of the chokehold that’s been triggered by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the flow of fuel is going to just be a trickle,” Mr. Yusof said.
“It’s massive in the scale of things, unprecedented in the industry,” he added. “Even with Covid, we weren’t gripped to our seats like we are now.”
Airports and airlines are not the only victims. Remote areas, from outback towns in Australia to the craggy foothills of the Himalayas, are slipping further into isolation. Travel agencies, hotels and restaurants are also grappling with a sudden collapse in business.
“Airline prices have tripled,” said Samath Gammampila, 39, director of Unu Boutique Hotel in Sri Lanka’s southern beach town of Ahangama. “We’re seeing about an 80 to 90 percent drop in occupancy.”
Interviews and official forecasts suggest the rest of the year could be as bad or worse in many countries.
Halted Production
Many of Asia’s most successful export industries require enormous amounts of energy and other ingredients from the Middle East. Seven weeks in, stockpiles are running out.
Cutbacks in manufacturing are now multiplying, revealing vulnerabilities rarely considered.
Copper and nickel production, for example, rely on high heat from natural gas and also sulfur, a fossil fuel byproduct. Both are in short supply, forcing several Indonesian nickel processors to reduce output by at least 10 percent.
Polyester and nylon are also derived from petroleum. In the sewing hubs of Bangladesh, Gazipur and Ashulia, where clothes are made for Wal-Mart, Zara and Uniqlo, severe disruptions to production and shipment schedules are common and on track to worsen.
“The strain we are under now — managing it will become very tough if there is no continuity in gas or fuel supply,” said Abdullah Hil Nakib, deputy managing director of TEAM, a Bangladeshi garment factory group. “We are seeing that the prices of our raw materials are also rising. Today the price of thread has almost doubled.”
Move on to higher-end manufacturing, and to helium, a gas byproduct used for semiconductors, and stress levels increase. Qatar, which normally produces nearly one third of the world’s supply, had to halt production on March 2 after an attack on its gas plants by Iran.
Prices have soared, and some Asian chipmakers are slowing production and reconsidering sources of supply.
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, the world’s largest producer of high-end chips, had previously accepted helium from Qatar and the United States. On Thursday, the company said on an earnings call that it had enough on hand to avoid a near-term impact.
But a prolonged shortage could force the company and other chip makers to accept supply from other locations, like Russia, the world’s third-largest producer of helium. Or it could force production cuts that would roll through everything from electronics to cars.
One bottleneck begets another; that’s the pattern. Without enough petrochemicals to make plastic packaging, fewer Korean beauty products are heading to stores. A lack of fertilizer is threatening rice crops in Vietnam. Cattle farmers in steak-crazy Australia are even warning of a red meat shortage because of idled slaughterhouses and truckers.
Human Suffering
Before the war, the United Nations projected that most of the next decade’s growth in middle-class consumers would be found in Asia.
Last week, a new U.N. report estimated that 8.8 million people in Asia and the Pacific are at risk of falling into poverty because of the war, depending on how long hostilities last. Most of those, about five million, would be in Iran. But in a region where most employment is informal, without a robust safety net, the conflict’s effects are starting to compound.
In an interview, Kanni Wignaraja, a U.N. assistant secretary‑general and U.N.D.P. regional director for Asia and the Pacific, said “the scale and the speed of transmission to Asia and the Pacific has been much bigger than initially anticipated.”
Poverty’s spread, she noted, threatens to be fused with other problems: vital medicines and vaccines failing to reach vulnerable populations; schools and universities unable to gather students; and increased pollution from the return to coal burning for electricity.
In India, where entire industrial clusters have been shut down for weeks by fuel shortages, workers are reversing urbanization, melting back to rural villages to thresh wheat. The cost of acetaminophen and some antibiotics in India has already gone up.
In Manila, Wednesday is considered a special day of Catholic devotion that usually attracts a throng of devotees and shoppers in the Philippine capital’s Baclaran district. After attending church, many scout for bargains at the nearby flea market.
But the district, far quieter since the war started, seemed closer to paralysis this week. Jeepney or minibus drivers gathered in groups, away from the wheel, for a three-day work strike to protest runaway gas and diesel prices.
Yunos Lilingco, 42, a widow and mother of three, said she initially believed the U.S.-Iran war wouldn’t affect her. She sells clothes she gets from a factory. The war seemed a world away.
But when gas prices went up, her costs rose, too. Her customer base has nearly disappeared. She used to make nearly $40 a day, now she makes less than $10.
“People don’t move around too much nowadays, because of high gas prices,” she said. “So there are fewer people to sell my clothes to.”
The U.N.’s report predicted that the war would cost Asia and the Pacific between $97 billion and $299 billion, equivalent to between 0.3 and 0.8 percent of regional gross domestic product.
At street level, suffering often starts with higher food prices and reduced employment.
“You’re losing income, and at the same time you’re paying more,” said Ms. Wignaraja, the U.N. official.
In the northern region of the Philippines, which supplies most of the country’s highland vegetables, like cabbage and broccoli, scarcity is killing abundance. Crops ready to be harvested last week are rotting in fertile fields, with farmers unable to afford the costs of transporting them to market.
The war’s damage, so quick and deep across the Asia-Pacific, will not be easy to contain. Even if the United States and Iran reach a lasting peace, the forces of scarcity and inflation have gained momentum and are on the move.
“You’ve seen tsunamis — they go across the ocean very, very fast,” said Mr. Cornell from the Atlantic Council. “I find it breathtaking to see the degree to which American policymakers think that they are insulated.”
Reporting was contributed by Jason Gutierrez from Manila; Hari Kumar, Pragati K.B. and Alex Travelli from New Delhi; Saif Hasnat from Dhaka, Bangladesh; Pamodi Waravita from Ahangama, Sri Lanka; Meaghan Tobin from Taipei, Taiwan; and River Akira Davis from Tokyo.
Damien Cave leads The Times’s new bureau in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, covering shifts in power across Asia and the wider world.“
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