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What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

Know Anyone Who Thinks Racial Profiling Is Exaggerated? Watch This, And Tell Me When Your Jaw Drops.


This video clearly demonstrates how racist America is as a country and how far we have to go to become a country that is civilized and actually values equal justice. We must not rest until this goal is achieved. I do not want my great grandchildren to live in a country like we have today. I wish for them to live in a country where differences of race and culture are not ignored but valued as a part of what makes America great.

Saturday, June 06, 2026

What Visual Evidence Tells Us About Israel’s Use of White Phosphorus in Lebanon - The New York Times

What Visual Evidence Tells Us About Israel’s Use of White Phosphorus in Lebanon

"Videos collected by The Times shows how the Israeli military has deployed a munition that can be extremely harmful over populated areas in Lebanon.

News agency video filmed by Reuters on May 11 shows white phosphorus functioning over the border between Israel and Lebanon.

The Israeli military has deployed white phosphorus, an incendiary substance that can be extremely harmful, over populated areas in Lebanon in its battle against Hezbollah, according to experts, aid groups and visual evidence collected by The New York Times.

Distinctive smoke trails from this type of munition were seen as recently as May 30 in Nabatieh, a city of roughly 40,000, in social media footage verified by The Times, which was filmed as Israeli forces captured Beaufort Castle, a landmark in the area. 

Other verified footage showed that white phosphorus had been used in the vicinity of the coastal city of Tyre, as well as near three small towns — Qlayaa, Khiam and Yohmor — in the months since fighting between Israel and Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militant group, began again in March. The latest fighting erupted after Hezbollah fired rockets into northern Israel, following joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran.

Once exposed to air, white phosphorus spontaneously ignites and is exceptionally difficult to extinguish.

Often deployed by militaries to create fires and smoke screens during combat, white phosphorus is not illegal in itself, but deploying it deliberately against civilians or in an area populated by civilians violates the international laws of war. Human rights advocates have raised concerns that civilians have been affected by the Israeli military’s use of it.

Israel denies using the substance in violation of those laws. It is not clear for what purpose the Israeli military used white phosphorus in these incidents.

The Times asked the Israeli military questions about its use of white phosphorus in Nabatieh, Qlayaa, Khiam and Tyre in four specific instances and provided the coordinates for those incidents. The Israeli military had no comment on those incidents. The Times also asked the military about its internal guidelines for the usage of white phosphorus.

“I.D.F. procedures require that such shells are not used in densely populated areas, subject to certain exceptions. This complies and goes beyond the requirements of international law,” it said in a statement. 

Israel uses  American-made 155-millimeter M825A1 artillery projectiles that contain 116 felt wedges, in the shape of pizza slices, coated with white phosphorous. They are designed to create five to 10 minutes of dense white smoke, providing cover to fighters.

Video filmed on April 30 shows white phosphorus over the town of Qlayaa, in the south of Lebanon.Associated Press

The shells can be fuzed to break apart  and dispense their cargo midair, which will spread their incendiary effect over a wide area. That can be used to create a smoke screen, but also will cause fires on the ground wherever the wedges land.

The munitions can also be set to rupture on impact — to  create a single fire, thatmilitaries use as a visual marker to guide additional strikes.

Munitions experts who analyzed recent footage from news agencies as well as social media posts concluded that the imagery showed artillery projectiles bursting midair in Lebanon, releasing streams of burning white phosphorous below — consistent with previous Israeli uses of American M825A1 shells.

In response to questions by The Times, the Israeli military said that, “the primary smoke-screen shells used by the I.D.F. do not contain white phosphorus.” 

“Like many Western militaries,” the statement added, “the I.D.F. also possesses smoke-screen shells that include white phosphorous that are legal under international law. These shells are used by the I.D.F. for creating smoke screens and not for targeting or causing fires and are not defined under law as incendiary weapons.”

There are currently no publicly available statistics about the Israeli military’s use of other smoke-screen shells. 

Israel’s use of white phosphorus

News agency video filmed on March 27 shows these munitions dispersing over an area near Tyre, a large city in the south of Lebanon.Associated Press

The substance is “cheap, plentiful and pretty good at what it’s used for,” said N.R. Jenzen-Jones, the director of Armament Research Services, a private intelligence consultancy based in Australia that tracks arms and munitions.

Israel’s deployment of white phosphorus in populated areas has brought about scrutiny in the past.

A 2024 report by Human Rights Watch documented its widespread use in Lebanon and questioned its necessity, pointing out that there were safer alternatives, such as the M150 shells, which the Israeli military reportedly used in 2024. . 

The traces of these shells are visually distinct from the feathery trails of white phosphorus, which are more irregular.

Israel has also deployed white phosphorus in Gaza — in 2009, and in conflicts in Lebanon, including 1982 and 2006. In the year following the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel, the Israeli military used white phosphorus more than 200 times in Lebanon, according to Ahmad Beydoun, an independent researcher who built a visual database of its sightings in the country.

The Lebanese government has filed four letters since October 2023 raising concerns about Israel’s use of white phosphorus to the United Nations and the U.N. Security Council. One of the letters, dated July 3, 2024, cites government  figures showing that more than 600 fires have broken out as a result of the use of white phosphorus  in southern Lebanon.

Smoke of the type emitted by white phosphorous is shown exploding with the buildings of a town in the background.
Plumes of smoke with the distinctive shape of white phosphorus are shown over the border between Israel and Lebanon in late April.Ayal Margolin/Reuters

What is the impact on civilians?

According to the World Health Organization, white phosphorus causes severe burns if it comes into contact with flesh. It can also cause respiratory and eye injuries if inhaled.

“The harm that white phosphorus causes is horrific,” said Bonnie Docherty, a senior arms adviser at Human Rights Watch. “It inflicts burns that can penetrate to the bone.” The dense smoke it produces, she said, “causes severe respiratory damage, and organ failure. Wounds can reignite when bandages are removed and remnants of the substance are exposed to oxygen.”

White phosphorous can also set homes, cars, buildings, fields and other objects on fire. An Amnesty International report from 2023 found that residents of Dhayra, a town in the south of Lebanon, fled after repeated release of white phosphorus on Oct. 16, 2023, and that cars and homes were still burning when they returned days later.

Traces of white phosphorus can exist in water and soil long after its use, experts said, and forested areas and farmland can be significantly damaged.

“There are understudied risks with long-term exposure to its smoke,” said Wim Zwijnenburg, who works at PAX, a Dutch peace organization, and researches the effects of conflict on the environment. “We also know that residents and farmers can face loss of access to their land and they often need specialized clearance operations after.”

.

Because white phosphorus munitions are primarily designed as smoke screens and illuminants, they often fall in a loophole in existing international law, Ms. Docherty said.

“Their destructive effects — such as causing fires or severe burns — are seen as a side effect of their use, rather than the main reason a military would use these weapons,” she added.

Although white phosphorous is legal if not deliberately deployed in populated areas, it is often hard to tell whether it was used intentionally. “These munitions are not precision weapons, and they can’t make a distinction between civilians and the military,” Mr. Zwijnenburg said. “It might not be a banned weapon, but we know that militaries don’t always use it as intended.”

Video filmed in Khiam on March 8 shows white phosphorus providing a smoke screen for Israeli military vehicles, which are advancing on a road near the town.Anadolu, via Agence France-Presse

The Israeli military is not the only army to use white phosphorus in combat. The United States  has used it in several operations in the Middle East, including in Falluja, Iraq, in 2004 and its campaign against ISIS in Syria in 2017. Ukraine and Russia have also accused each other of using white phosphorus since 2023.

Establishing that white phosphorus has been used intentionally against civilians can be difficult. A Human Rights Watch report in 2009 found that the Israeli military had repeatedly used these munitions over densely populated parts of Gaza. Four years later, after international pressure from rights organizations, the Israeli military announced that it would significantly reduce its use of white phosphorus.

John Ismay contributed reporting from Washington."

What Visual Evidence Tells Us About Israel’s Use of White Phosphorus in Lebanon - The New York Times

Tensions rise as protesters block vehicles at Delaney Hall, with tear gas deployed and cars damaged - nj.com

Tensions rise as protesters block vehicles at Delaney Hall, with tear gas deployed and cars damaged

Anti ICE protesters outside Delaney Hall
Anti ICE protesters block the exit from Delaney Hall as employees attempt to leave the facility on Doremus Ave. outside Delaney Hall in Newark, New Jersey on Friday, June 5 2026. Chris Pedota | For NJ.com

Protesters blocked the entrance to a secure lot at Delaney Hall on Friday afternoon, sitting on car hoods, yelling at drivers and kicking vehicles. At least one windshield was broken and several protesters were tear-gassed. 

On a hot, sticky day outside the immigrant detetion center in Newark, protesters waved anti-ICE posters as traffic passed by. It wasn’t until around 3:30 p.m. when the demonstration became violent.

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Nearly a dozen protesters formed a line at the northern exit to the facility, blocking cars as they were attempting to leave the immigration detention center. 

“Isn’t it nice you get to go home,” one protester yelled.

One of the protesters yelled at a driver, “You’re Spanish. You should be ashamed of yourself.” 

As a woman with children in her car left, protesters stepped back to let her pass. “We’re with you,” one shouted as she drove off.

Staff at the detention center, run by the GEO Group, redirected vehicles to come back inside the gated and fenced lot, but some drivers decided to inch through the crowd, knocking some people over. One staff member from Delaney Hall Corrections Emergency Response Team pepper sprayed protesters blocking the vehicles.

As a silver sedan left the facility, a physical altercation between protesters and Delaney Hall security staff occurred after a protester, who held onto the driver’s side mirror and door handle, was pulled to the ground by security. The altercation was quickly broken up. The same protester had ended up on the hood of another vehicle, holding onto the windshield wipers before falling off the vehicle. 

The protester, identified as a 28-year-old resident of Seattle, Washington, was arrested by the Newark Police Department and charged with three counts of criminal mischief after police said he smashed the windows of at least one car.

Another protester, an Arizona resident, was arrested by Homeland Security Investigations for allegedly assaulting an ICE officer on Friday, police said.

Minutes before the damage was done to the cars trying to leave Delaney Hall, an ambulance and supervisor’s vehicle from University Hospital in Newark were escorted into the parking area. 

Just past 6 p.m., several protesters dumped large sand-filled barrels meant to serve as traffic barriers, blocking the exit with piles of sand and the barrels. 

The escalation came just a day after protesters slashed the tires of an ICE vehicle at Delaney Hall. 

Protests at the ICE facility have been ongoing for about two weeks. They started over Memorial Day weekend following allegations of hunger and abuse at the privately-owned detention facility."

Tensions rise as protesters block vehicles at Delaney Hall, with tear gas deployed and cars damaged - nj.com

Newark Mayor to Scale Back Police Presence at Delaney Hall ICE Detention Center - The New York Times

Fight Erupts After Newark Mayor Scales Back Police Presence at ICE Facility

"The mayor, Ras Baraka, said the city would not spend taxpayer money to safeguard Delaney Hall, an immigration detention center in Newark run by a private prison company.

Two people fight next to a car.
On Friday evening, a day after Mayor Ras Baraka of Newark decided to scale back police presence at Delaney Hall, a fight broke out between protesters and security guards.Lexi Parra/The New York Times

One day after the mayor of Newark said the city’s police department would scale back its presence outside the Delaney Hall immigration detention center, a melee broke out in front of it between dozens of protesters and employees of the Geo Group, a private prison company that operates the facility.

Unlike previous confrontations at Delaney Hall, many of which happened at night, the altercation on Friday happened in broad daylight, at around 5:30 p.m. Scrums of people punched and tackled one another to the ground. Several protesters were also pepper-sprayed by Geo Group employees. The fights were broken up by other protesters and Geo Group workers.

There were no officers from the Newark Police Department or the New Jersey State Police present throughout the melee, which sprawled across Doremus Avenue, the busy industrial thoroughfare where Delaney Hall is located. The closest law enforcement presence appeared to be a number of Newark police cars parked about a quarter of a mile north of Delaney Hall, where officers were controlling traffic.

Minutes after the fight ended, a number of Newark police cars arrived. Officers arrested one protester, placed him in a police vehicle and drove away, once again leaving no local or state law enforcement officers present at the scene. Separately, officers with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement exited Delaney Hall soon after the melee, took a male protester into custody, and took him into the facility.

The man arrested by the Newark police was later identified as Zion Napier, 28, of Seattle. Catherine Adams, a spokeswoman for the Newark Police Department, said that Mr. Napier was seen smashing car windows near Delaney Hall on Friday. He was charged with three counts of criminal mischief.

In a video released by the police department, a protester can be seen climbing onto the hoods of three cars as they leave the Delaney Hall parking lot. In two of the cases, the protester snaps off the cars’ windshield wipers.

Officials with the New Jersey State Police and ICE did not respond to questions about the incident. Sean Higgins, a spokesman for Gov. Mikie Sherrill, referred questions about law enforcement at Delaney Hall to the mayor, Ras Baraka. After the police left, several protesters toppled a barrel of sand, which had been placed in the middle of the street to control traffic.

Later in the evening, ICE officers arrested three more protesters.  Separately, a protester was hit by a car driven by someone leaving Delaney Hall in a convoy of vehicles. He received care from medics on the scene and was then driven by friends to a nearby hospital.

Mayor Baraka said on Thursday that the city police department would scale back its presence outside the Delaney Hall immigration detention center, where local, state and federal officers have confronted protesters on and off for the past two weeks at demonstrations that have sometimes turned chaotic.

Mr. Baraka said the city would not spend local taxpayers’ money “in an already strapped budget to safeguard a privately owned facility, especially when it places our officers at unnecessary risk.”

The mayor took credit for what he called a “significant reduction in unrest” in recent days and said in a statement that starting on Friday, the Newark police “will focus on traffic management and public safety, ensuring the protection of both protesters and motorists.”

Before the altercations on Friday, it was not immediately clear whether ICE or the New Jersey State Police, both of which have clashed with demonstrators during this wave of protests, would increase their presence at Delaney Hall. Usually, the state police will assist municipal law enforcement agencies only upon request, so Newark would need to reach out if it wanted help from the state.

Mr. Higgins, Ms. Sherrill’s spokesman, said in response to questions about the state police’s plans that “the governor’s focus is on fighting for humane treatment for detainees and their families inside Delaney Hall. Newark is keeping us updated on the situation outside the facility, and we continue to urge all those protesting to remain peaceful.”

Before the violence erupted, ICE said in a statement that “the perimeter around Delaney Hall is FULLY closed. No rioters have breached the perimeter. Our ICE operations continue undeterred. ANYONE who attempts to obstruct law enforcement or disrupt our operations will be prosecuted and face justice.”

Since the mayor lifted the curfew on Tuesday, three people were arrested on Wednesday and accused of assaulting a police officer and setting a dumpster fire. On Thursday night, tensions flared again when protesters briefly blocked a road with metal barricades.

And before the melee began on Friday, a small group of protesters stood at the end of a driveway at Delaney Hall and tried to physically block Geo Group employees and vehicles from leaving.

The policing of the protests at Delaney Hall, where at least 90 people have been arrestedsince May 26, has been complicated and contentious. Delaney Hall is one of the largest immigrant detention centers in the Eastern United States and has been a magnet for opponents of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. It is also in a very Democratic city in a Democrat-led state, and both Mr. Baraka and Ms. Sherrill have at times joined with the protesters.

Last week, after several days of clashes between protesters and federal agents who fired pepper balls and spray to control the crowds, Ms. Sherrill sent in the state police to de-escalate the situation. But last Friday, after demonstrators shoved barricades at officers, threw bottles of liquid and set fires, state troopers charged the crowd and set off smoke grenades.

After Mr. Baraka instituted a 9 p.m. curfew on Sunday, 61 protesters were arrested on charges of violating the curfew, rioting and resisting arrest. On Friday, the New Jersey public defender’s office moved to dismiss charges against 45 of those 61 protesters, arguing that the complaints against them were so generic and similar that they failed to articulate any probable cause to charge the individual defendants.

Lexi Parra and Mark Bonamo contributed reporting.

Andy Newman has reported from the New York region for The Times for more than 30 years."

Newark Mayor to Scale Back Police Presence at Delaney Hall ICE Detention Center - The New York Times

As Trump Pushes Deportations, a Skyrocketing Caseload Strains Immigration Courts - The New York Times

ICE Says Detainees Are ‘Worst of the Worst.’ Government Data Disagrees.

"Federal officials said they are removing killers and rapists from the streets. Data obtained by The New York Times indicates most detainees at a Newark facility haven’t been convicted of crimes.

Barbed wire outside a building with “Delaney Hall” in large lettering on the side. A person’s silhouette can be seen in a window of the building.
Delaney Hall, an immigration detention center in New Jersey, has been the site of persistent and at times violent clashes between law enforcement officers and protesters over the past two weeks.Todd Heisler/The New York Times

When reports emerged last month that immigrants held at a Newark detention center were staging a hunger strike to protest conditions there, demonstrators mobilized and New Jersey’s governor, Mikie Sherrill, demanded to be let in so that she could inspect the building.

Federal officials rejected her demand and said that she and other Democratic officials in New Jersey should be grateful that Immigration and Customs Enforcement was removing killers, rapists and other criminals — “the worst of the worst,” they said — from the state.

But the federal government’s own data, including some from internal documents The New York Times obtained this week, indicates that people with criminal convictions account for just a fraction of the detainees at the Newark center, Delaney Hall.

In early April, ICE stopped updating its once-regular public reports on the number of people being detained at its facilities. The internal data obtained by The Times shows that of 591 people held at Delaney Hall this week, 76 — about 13 percent — had criminal convictions and 123 — about 21 percent — had pending criminal charges.

The detainees had been at the center for about 80 days on average, the data shows.

The Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, said in a statement on Friday that it was “working rapidly and overtime to remove these aliens from detentions centers to their final destination — home.”

Delaney Hall’s population has dropped sharply since ICE’s April report, which showed 891 people (833 men and 58 women) being held there as of April 2. Less than 10 percent — 61 men and two women — were classified as criminals.

When people are detained, and then periodically during their detention, they are divided into categories that reflect the level of security risk they are believed to pose and then housed accordingly, according to ICE.

The categories — low, medium low, medium high and high — are based on factors such as previous convictions, disciplinary records and “special management concerns,” ICE says. As of April 2, just one Delaney Hall detainee was considered a high security risk, ICE data shows; 789, or just under 90 percent, were deemed low risk.

Immigration officials also assign detainees to “ICE threat level” categories determined by their “criminality,” including “the recency of the criminal behavior and its severity.” They are ranked on a scale of 1 to 3, with 1 being the most severe. Detainees with no criminal convictions are classified as “no ICE threat level.”

As of April 2, just six detainees were classified in the highest threat level. About 90 percent were said to be no ICE threat, agency data shows.

“If you were looking for an ICE facility that holds a large number of dangerous criminals,” Austin Kocher, a political and legal geographer and research assistant professor at Syracuse University, wrote in a recent edition of his newsletter on Substack, “Delaney Hall just isn’t it.”

Professor Kocher, whose research focuses on the politics and policies of the U.S. immigration and refugee system, did a more fine-grained analysis of the criminal detainee population. He used data from the Deportation Data Project, which collects and posts government immigration enforcement data sets, some released voluntarily by the government and some obtained through public records requests.

He found that of 844 people detained at Delaney Hall as of March 10, about 12 percent were convicted criminals, about 18 percent had pending criminal charges and about 70 percent had been accused only of immigration violations.

Of the 99 people with criminal convictions, none had been found guilty of homicide, sexual assault or drug trafficking. About 70 percent were convicted of misdemeanors; just nine had felonies, according to Professor Kocher.

For the past two weeks, Delaney Hall has been the site of steady and sometimes violent confrontations between protesters and law enforcement officers. At least 90 protesters have been arrested since May 26.

As Ms. Sherrill sought access to the center, federal officials insisted that detainees were being well cared for and denied there was a hunger strike. They accused her of engaging in a “political stunt.”

“These sanctuary politicians should be thanking ICE law enforcement for removing murderers, rapists, pedophiles and drug traffickers from their communities,” Lauren Bis, a Department of Homeland Security spokeswoman, said in a statement on May 25. “We need these sanctuary politicians to stop peddling this garbage and cooperate with us.”

The statement was accompanied by a list of 16 detainees who had been arrested in New Jersey, with brief descriptions of what was described as each one’s “criminal history.”

The offenses cited included homicide, sexual assault, drug trafficking, aggravated assault, illegal possession of a weapon and enticement of a minor for indecent purposes. It was unclear whether a “criminal history” reflected convictions, charges or some combination.

Delaney Hall is run by GEO Group, one of the largest private prison operators in the United States, under a $1 billion, 15-year federal contract.

The two-story center has 1,000 beds, according to a GEO Group news release from last year, and a permitted capacity of just under 1,200 beds, according to filings in a company lawsuit against New Jersey officials.

Asked this week for current data on the detainees and their criminal records, the Department of Homeland Security responded with a statement that did not include the requested information.

“It is a crime to enter the United States illegally,” the statement said. “Everyone being held inside Delaney Hall broke the law. If you come to our country illegally, we will find you and arrest you.”

Allison McCann contributed reporting.

Ed Shanahan is a rewrite reporter and editor covering breaking news and general assignments on the Metro desk.

Hamed Aleaziz covers the Department of Homeland Security and immigration policy for The Times."

As Trump Pushes Deportations, a Skyrocketing Caseload Strains Immigration Courts - The New York Times

As Trump Pushes Deportations, a Skyrocketing Caseload Strains Immigration Courts - The New York Times

As Trump Pushes Deportations, a Skyrocketing Caseload Strains Immigration Courts

"A federal surge has more than doubled caseloads within some immigration courts nationwide. Lawyers say the tactic is causing errors and confusion.

A group of adults and children wait in line in a carpeted hallway. A child in a stroller is on the right.
Immigrants waited in a packed hallway for their hearings at the Annandale Immigration Court in Annandale, Va., on Tuesday.Salwan Georges for The New York Times

By Jazmine Ulloa and Hamed Aleaziz

Jazmine Ulloa, who reported from Chicago, and Hamed Aleaziz, who reported from Washington, cover immigration.

Federal officials have quietly begun fast-tracking cases through immigration courts, pushing dozens of additional cases onto the dockets on certain days in an effort to more quickly process asylum and other claims.

The fast-tracking, which is also intended to increase the pace of deportations, started without any formal notification or announcement from the Trump administration, according to immigration lawyers and court officials interviewed by The New York Times. But a surge of cases has been apparent in numerous courts around the country. Some judges have seen their caseloads double and triple, prompting worries that cases are being rushed through, violating due process rights.

At separate courthouses in Annandale and Sterling, Va., in recent days, Times reporters observed long lines and packed dockets. Some immigration judges saw their caseloads more than double, with as many as 100 adults waiting for their cases to be heard. In Annandale, the caseloads have included dozens of unaccompanied minors.

Lines were also evident at a courthouse in downtown Chicago on a recent weekday, with families spilling out of waiting areas and into hallways. Many cases were being processed in small groups, or in several instances with more than two dozen people appearing at once.

And in New Orleans, lawyers saw the number of cases increase to more than 200 on Monday and Tuesday in one courtroom alone. The judges at that courthouse typically take only about 30 to 40 cases per day, lawyers said. The morning dockets were so packed and chaotic that lawyers wishing to observe or monitor the proceedings were not allowed in to watch.

Federal officials say that speeding through cases will help alleviate backlogs that have led some asylum and immigration relief claims to languish for years. The slow pace of the process, they contend, creates incentives for people to enter the United States to file claims that may be weak or invalid.

The Justice Department said in a statement that clearing the court backlog was a top priority for the administration, and that it was hearing the cases fairly and in accordance with the law.

An official with the Executive Office for Immigration Review, which is part of the Justice Department and oversees the immigration court system, said the larger caseloads were a result of the court hiring new immigration judges, and described them as necessary to clear a backlog of upward of 3 million cases this year, according to federal figures.

But immigration lawyers and rights groups counter that the sudden acceleration of the process risks errors, denies immigrants due process and leaves people with little time to find lawyers.

“Everything related to these large dockets or mass dockets is shrouded in such a strange secrecy,” said Gracie Willis, an attorney with the National Immigration Project, a nonprofit that provides legal services for immigrants. “Our confirmation that they were even happening really came from going to the court on Monday and seeing the large lines of people standing outside,” she added, referring to the proceedings she observed in New Orleans.

The surge comes at a time of upheaval for Mr. Trump’s immigration strategy. On Friday, a federal judge rejected the government’s indefinite hold on asylum applications filed with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and on immigration applications from people from 39 countries who had been unable to obtain green cards and citizenship. The ruling is not expected to have a major impact on immigration courts.

This week, the Supreme Court also declined to review a ruling from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit requiring the government to take more steps to notify immigrants of their hearing dates if their notices are returned in the mail.

Unlike judges in criminal and civil courts, immigration judges are part of the executive branch, and the Trump administration has taken steps to align them with the president’spledge to deport record numbers of people. The administration has fired judges seen as insufficiently supportive of the agenda, and has narrowed the factors that qualify people for asylum.

The judges who remain have been under pressure to issue deportation orders and rule against asylum cases, a Times investigation found. The rate of asylum grants is the lowest since 2009, according to data analyzed by The Times.

Typical “master” calendar hearings are already crowded sessions where an immigration judge can handle dozens of cases at a time, all of which can be in different stages. They review claims, consider challenges and schedule court dates for people seeking asylum, humanitarian protections and an array of other forms of legal relief that can temporarily shield immigrants from deportation or set them on the path to legal permanent residency.

Many attorneys have taken to informally calling the new, heavily packed proceedings “mega master” calendar hearings.

In New Orleans, Ms. Willis, the attorney, said the dockets she watched included a mix of people: respondents who were appearing in immigration court for the first time, along with immigrants who had trials already set for 2027 but were called in for minor updates on their cases, such as the verification of their addresses.

Some had received notices of their new court appearances the month before, but others had been called in only two weeks earlier, or even more recently, she said.

Lawyers said that they had observed judges taking in groups of people at a time, despite their different pleadings and cases. In one instance, a judge saw 15 people at once, running through Arabic, Spanish and Creole interpretations, Ms. Willis said.

On Monday and Tuesday, 89 people in one court alone were declared absent, and were therefore deportable, she added. “And that is not because they were ‘the worst of the worst.’ It is because they had a hearing scheduled that they were not able to attend for a variety of reasons,” Ms. Willis said.

In Courtroom 11 in Chicago on May 26, Judge Peter A. Kim addressed a group of more than 20 immigrants, a reporter observed. He told them that they had 20 days to submit their cases in writing, and warned that the next hearing would be their final opportunity to make the case to remain in the United States.

Alex, a maintenance worker from Honduras, and his adult son were among the immigrants who received the warning. Alex spoke to The Times on the condition that only his first name be used, because he fears government retaliation.

He and his son applied for asylum and obtained temporary humanitarian passage into the country in 2023, but the form of relief is set to expire in December, and their asylum petition remains pending.

He said that he worried that the government’s push to quickly close their case would leave them with no relief. “All we can have is hope and faith in God,” he said.

“It is not a bad thing to want to prioritize older cases,” Briana Carlson, an immigration lawyer who represents clients in Sterling, Va., said of the case dockets. “But when we are taking away the power of judges to have individualized hearings, that is problematic.”

In Annandale, immigrants and their children recently filled a courtroom as a judge heard about 60 cases during hearings that stretched more than seven hours last week.

Yuvora Nong, an immigration lawyer in Virginia, showed up to the courthouse for a separate hearing scheduled for his client at 1 p.m. one day. But the judge, Raphael Choi, was still working through the day’s caseload surge, and had 15 cases left to hear by day’s end.

Judge Choi told Mr. Nong that his client’s case would have to be postponed — to May 2027.

On May 29, Maria Martinez, another Annandale lawyer, had clients from El Salvador and Venezuela sitting in her law office for more than eight hours as they waited to go before a judge by video. They had been scheduled to appear around 8:30 a.m., but as the judge toiled through a packed caseload, the wait stretched on.

“Family members had to bring them food because they were too scared to leave the office and miss their hearing,” Ms. Martinez said.

Minutes before the judge’s computer shut down for the day, he bunched the last six cases together, Ms. Martinez said. Speeding through, he did not even have time to check whether her clients were present, she added.

Reporting was contributed by Robert Chiarito from Chicago, Madeleine Ngo from Annandale, Va., Orlando Mayorquín from San Diego and Allison McCann from New York."

As Trump Pushes Deportations, a Skyrocketing Caseload Strains Immigration Courts - The New York Times